Women in the Civil Rights Struggle

Matt Altstiel
11/1/05
AFRO 3866
Part II: Essay II

The process of remembering history is often a very political act. For instance, relations of power dictate which history is deemed worth teaching and learning about, and which historical acts are largely forgotten. This same process is often true in portraying the history of the civil rights movement in the formative years between 1945-1965. Women played an important role and served various functions in the civil rights movement, yet their contributions which were vital to the success of the movement are often overlooked. Traditionally, men took the outward positions of leadership and enjoyed national recognition and prominence. Women on the other hand, worked “the middle layer of leadership” which was “often overlooked at the expense of analyses,” (Crawford 135). Management of the middle and local levels of organizations by women provided the glue that held together larger institutions such as the SCLC, SNCC, NAACP, and CORE. Only recently has mainstream history begun to look the role of women within the movement, and even then only at a few of the most prominent women.

Among the most tireless and influential workers in the movement, Septima P. Clark accomplished many tasks which were vital to the success of the civil rights struggle. Clark used her life experiences and affiliation with national civil rights organizations to spur indigenous participation into local movements. As a teacher, Clark believed that education meant empowerment both in the political and economic sense. Clark emerged as a young leader for the Charleston YWCA and the South Carolina branch of NAACP in her vocal protest of unequal pay for African American Teachers. Inspired by her leadership potential, friends directed Clark to the Highlander Folk School where she learned strategies to implement the Supreme Court’s recent decision Brown vs. Board of Education. In 1956, Clark took a more active role in civil rights after losing her job because of her affiliation with the national organization, the NAACP. With her friend Bernice Robinson, she founded citizenship schools in the coastal region of South Carolina to educate African Americans in the three R’s and their rights as citizens. The citizenship schools came into the fold of the SCLC when Clark joined the organization. The schools, per Clark, “formed the grassroots basis of new statewide political organizations” that created “the black elected officials and political leaders,” (Rouse 114). Clark’s proven methods received little formal recognition on the national level, however, invigorated both national and local movements. Clark provided the essential mid-level bridging functions that allowed national leaders to communicate with local leadership.

Jo Ann Robinson, long active in social issues in Montgomery, Alabama saw her leadership role increase and played a key, if unrecognized role in the success of the Montgomery Bus Boycott. A victim of segregation on the busing system herself, Robinson felt a personal desire to aid the boycott in any way possible. Using her position as a teacher at Alabama State College, she was able to print off nearly 50,000 fliers to advertise the boycott to the masses of Montgomery, paving the way for a successful one day boycott. An effective medium level leader, Robinson brought her affiliated organizations into the fold of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) and helped coordinate events once the boycott extended past the first week. Throughout the course of the year plus boycott Robinson served many roles assisting the community and ensuring the success of the protest. Robinson stayed active in community organizations as well as in the more regional and national institutions as well.

An excellent example of grassroots organization and community empowerment, Fannie Lou Hamer rose from obscurity to national prominence in only a few short years. Hamer joined the civil rights struggle later in life at 42, but made up for lost time with vigorous work ethic and ultimate commitment to the cause of civil rights. Hamer is credited with “registering thousands to vote, traveling to West Africa in 1964, creating a farm cooperative in 1967, leading a school desegregation movement in 1968, creating a women’s movement in 1971, and teaching thousands about activism and freedom,” (Lee 140). A pivotal transformation occurred after Hamer accompanied SNCC activists down to the county courthouse to register. After registering, Hamer believed everyone eligible had the obligation to register to vote and drove or directed people to the courthouse day and night. She channeled the racism, poverty and physical violence she had endured over the years into power persuasive speeches. An active member of SNCC, and later of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), she accompanied the delegation to the 1964 Atlantic City Convention. While the delegation was only granted two seats, the Democratic Party later “revised its rules so that by 1968, the party had adopted a non-discriminatory clause in its requirements for delegate selection,” (Crawford 132). Hamer served as a bridge leader between the community and national movement, and her role, in Mississippi especially helped break down the white stranglehold on social, political and economic power.

Annie Devine and Victoria Grey also helped challenge the political structure in Mississippi through local branches of the national organizations such as SNCC and CORE, SCLC, Delta Ministry and the MFDP. Devine helped organize African American activism throughout Mississippi, but became especially active around her home town of Canton. Devine, as a resident of the community knew how to trigger the desired response from local citizens and helped instruct young members of CORE sent down from the national chapter. Devine taught served CORE by “acting like a go-between with black, male leadership (notably preachers) and young folks (who resisted their authority). She was a backbone, a part of the strategists,” (Crawford 127). As a founding member of the MFDP, she made her way to the 1964 National Convention and joined Hamer as an outspoken voice for civil rights. Victoria Grey served a variety of organizations including CORE, SNCC, the MFDP and the SCLC. Using her Christian faith as the backbone for her desire for change, “Gray was one of the few local people who were willing to commit to the movement in its early stages and involvement was critical to getting voter registration under way,” (Crawford 127-128). Gray became an active member in the black freedom struggle and served the black community of Mississippi for many years. The three aforementioned activists helped coalesce local activities in Mississippi and bring the state to the forefront of the national civil rights movement.

During the early years of the civil rights struggle, countless women assisted the movement in profound ways to advance the cause and promote equality. Containing an equal stake in finding a solution to “ending legal discrimination in voting, housing, education, employment and public accommodations” for African Americans “was dominant social and political issue facing them,” (Collier Thomas 2). Although women were traditionally restricted from positions of high leadership usually reserved for clergymen in national civil rights organizations, women served a crucial role coordinating local and midrange activities. These necessary links helped the movement maintain a more cohesive front and avoid local fragmentation. The impact of citizenship schools and voter registration drives all over the south could never have been achieved without the tireless efforts of women activism. These lower profile roles have effectively kept women’s role within the civil rights movement under the public’s level of consciousness as opposed to national leaders such as Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, Fred Shuttlesworth, and others.