Malcolm X Response Journal

Matt Altstiel
11/08/05
AFRO 3866

Xing Out Personal Bias

The video portraying the life and messages of Malcolm X was truly an eye opening experience. Representing a sharp break from the non-violent and coalition ideologies of King and his adherents, Malcolm X helped usher in the era of militant Black nationalism. The film, shown entirely through the words of Malcolm X and his contemporaries revealed more about the character and thoughts of the man than any narration or film could do. The chronological progression revealed the evolution of a man who underwent great spiritual and political change. Throughout my childhood and teenage years Malcolm X was vilified, seen as the epitomy of dangerous racism and a hindrance to racial equality. Indeed, viewing early speeches of the man as he advocated strict racial segregation and espoused words demonizing every aspect of the white man confirmed these sentiments. However, the film made clear such expression did capture the true spirit of Malcolm X, but rather the corrupt and racist leanings of the Nation of Islam and Elijah Mohammed. Certainly racial pride is central to creating self-worth and the impetus to demand legal equality, however designating the other (the white) as an object of contempt and hatred (as X later learned) does not advance any cause. X’s spiritual enlightenment and break from the Nation of Islam as portrayed in the film helped open my eyes to the reality and the message of Malcolm X.

Indeed, as someone knowledgeable about the religion of Islam, the awakening of Malcolm X after his Hajj to Mecca represented the true nature of Islam. I was unaware of this fundamental shift in perspective, that Malcolm X no longer saw white people as a monolithic enemy to African American people. Instead, Malcolm X correctly targeted the government which allowed and enforced certain conditions upon African American people. While still controversial, the depth of Malcolm X’s commitment to social justice and search for truth made him a highly respectable and enviable figure in my mind. The personal courage displayed by Malcolm X and his family in the face of constant death threats showed him as a man deserving the accolades and affection of an entire people. The film challenged the conception held by me and other I know that Malcolm X was a dangerous man who divided the civil rights movement. I now view Malcolm X as a man motivated by high ideals who even in the face of intense pressure did not waver from his firmly founded convictions.

Midterm Identification

Part 1: Identification

Bob Moses – Bob Moses was an activist who was born New York City, educated at Harvard and was a math teacher before going South to Mississippi. He joined the organization, the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee in 1960 to organize voter campaigns. In Mississippi he focused his efforts in the impoverished Delta region of the state, and began to set up citizenship freedom schools and making connections with local residents. Drawing in local and national leadership from SNCC and the NAACP he helped organize “Freedom Summer” which brought outside helpers to assist with voter registration from around the country. His efforts increased the number of registered African American voters and radically altered the balance of power in all levels of state government.

The Summer Project – Originally conceived by Bob Moses with assistance from Amzie Moore, Charles Sherrod, James Foreman and Dave Dennis, the Summer Project sent invitations to thousands of northern college students to assist with voter registration in Mississippi. Between 1,000 and 3,000 volunteers, both black and white came from their respective institutions to live with black families all over the state. Poor and rural African Americans were educated in Freedom and citizenship schools at night while volunteers canvassed neighborhoods often at great personal risk to inform African Americans of their voting rights. The project proved to be an overwhelming success: the closed society had been infiltrated and local grassroots leadership was created to continue the practices started by the Summer Project. Furthermore, the Summer Project helped the creation of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, the first party to nominate African Americans since Reconstruction.

Brown II - After the landmark decision of Brown Versus the Board of Education ruled school segregation and “separate but equal” unconstitutional several ambiguities in the law remained. Southern resistance intensified in the wake of Brown when Southern governments claimed they would use the outdated Doctrine of Interposition. As a response, the Supreme Court modified the Brown decision by strengthening the wording and attempting to clarify the ambiguous language. Unfortunately, certain phrases left the Interpretation of Brown II up state and local government. The phrase that districts should desegregate with a “reasonable start, as soon as is practicable, and with good faith with compliance with all deliberate speed,” severely weakened the interpretation of the law.

Bayard Rustin – Bayard Rustin was a figure of the civil rights movement who remained largely under radar of national consciousness, yet played a crucial role in many of its most important organizations. Early in the modern civil rights struggle, Rustin founded CORE, an organization dedicated to ending racial hatred and segregation through non-violence and mass movements. Rustin proved to be an important advisor to Martin Luther King, who adopted Rustin’s strategy of non-violence as a framework for resistance to oppression in the newly formed SCLC. Rustin also oversaw many of the operations for the 1963 March on Washington insuring its success.

Women in the Civil Rights Struggle

Matt Altstiel
11/1/05
AFRO 3866
Part II: Essay II

The process of remembering history is often a very political act. For instance, relations of power dictate which history is deemed worth teaching and learning about, and which historical acts are largely forgotten. This same process is often true in portraying the history of the civil rights movement in the formative years between 1945-1965. Women played an important role and served various functions in the civil rights movement, yet their contributions which were vital to the success of the movement are often overlooked. Traditionally, men took the outward positions of leadership and enjoyed national recognition and prominence. Women on the other hand, worked “the middle layer of leadership” which was “often overlooked at the expense of analyses,” (Crawford 135). Management of the middle and local levels of organizations by women provided the glue that held together larger institutions such as the SCLC, SNCC, NAACP, and CORE. Only recently has mainstream history begun to look the role of women within the movement, and even then only at a few of the most prominent women.

Among the most tireless and influential workers in the movement, Septima P. Clark accomplished many tasks which were vital to the success of the civil rights struggle. Clark used her life experiences and affiliation with national civil rights organizations to spur indigenous participation into local movements. As a teacher, Clark believed that education meant empowerment both in the political and economic sense. Clark emerged as a young leader for the Charleston YWCA and the South Carolina branch of NAACP in her vocal protest of unequal pay for African American Teachers. Inspired by her leadership potential, friends directed Clark to the Highlander Folk School where she learned strategies to implement the Supreme Court’s recent decision Brown vs. Board of Education. In 1956, Clark took a more active role in civil rights after losing her job because of her affiliation with the national organization, the NAACP. With her friend Bernice Robinson, she founded citizenship schools in the coastal region of South Carolina to educate African Americans in the three R’s and their rights as citizens. The citizenship schools came into the fold of the SCLC when Clark joined the organization. The schools, per Clark, “formed the grassroots basis of new statewide political organizations” that created “the black elected officials and political leaders,” (Rouse 114). Clark’s proven methods received little formal recognition on the national level, however, invigorated both national and local movements. Clark provided the essential mid-level bridging functions that allowed national leaders to communicate with local leadership.

Jo Ann Robinson, long active in social issues in Montgomery, Alabama saw her leadership role increase and played a key, if unrecognized role in the success of the Montgomery Bus Boycott. A victim of segregation on the busing system herself, Robinson felt a personal desire to aid the boycott in any way possible. Using her position as a teacher at Alabama State College, she was able to print off nearly 50,000 fliers to advertise the boycott to the masses of Montgomery, paving the way for a successful one day boycott. An effective medium level leader, Robinson brought her affiliated organizations into the fold of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) and helped coordinate events once the boycott extended past the first week. Throughout the course of the year plus boycott Robinson served many roles assisting the community and ensuring the success of the protest. Robinson stayed active in community organizations as well as in the more regional and national institutions as well.

An excellent example of grassroots organization and community empowerment, Fannie Lou Hamer rose from obscurity to national prominence in only a few short years. Hamer joined the civil rights struggle later in life at 42, but made up for lost time with vigorous work ethic and ultimate commitment to the cause of civil rights. Hamer is credited with “registering thousands to vote, traveling to West Africa in 1964, creating a farm cooperative in 1967, leading a school desegregation movement in 1968, creating a women’s movement in 1971, and teaching thousands about activism and freedom,” (Lee 140). A pivotal transformation occurred after Hamer accompanied SNCC activists down to the county courthouse to register. After registering, Hamer believed everyone eligible had the obligation to register to vote and drove or directed people to the courthouse day and night. She channeled the racism, poverty and physical violence she had endured over the years into power persuasive speeches. An active member of SNCC, and later of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), she accompanied the delegation to the 1964 Atlantic City Convention. While the delegation was only granted two seats, the Democratic Party later “revised its rules so that by 1968, the party had adopted a non-discriminatory clause in its requirements for delegate selection,” (Crawford 132). Hamer served as a bridge leader between the community and national movement, and her role, in Mississippi especially helped break down the white stranglehold on social, political and economic power.

Annie Devine and Victoria Grey also helped challenge the political structure in Mississippi through local branches of the national organizations such as SNCC and CORE, SCLC, Delta Ministry and the MFDP. Devine helped organize African American activism throughout Mississippi, but became especially active around her home town of Canton. Devine, as a resident of the community knew how to trigger the desired response from local citizens and helped instruct young members of CORE sent down from the national chapter. Devine taught served CORE by “acting like a go-between with black, male leadership (notably preachers) and young folks (who resisted their authority). She was a backbone, a part of the strategists,” (Crawford 127). As a founding member of the MFDP, she made her way to the 1964 National Convention and joined Hamer as an outspoken voice for civil rights. Victoria Grey served a variety of organizations including CORE, SNCC, the MFDP and the SCLC. Using her Christian faith as the backbone for her desire for change, “Gray was one of the few local people who were willing to commit to the movement in its early stages and involvement was critical to getting voter registration under way,” (Crawford 127-128). Gray became an active member in the black freedom struggle and served the black community of Mississippi for many years. The three aforementioned activists helped coalesce local activities in Mississippi and bring the state to the forefront of the national civil rights movement.

During the early years of the civil rights struggle, countless women assisted the movement in profound ways to advance the cause and promote equality. Containing an equal stake in finding a solution to “ending legal discrimination in voting, housing, education, employment and public accommodations” for African Americans “was dominant social and political issue facing them,” (Collier Thomas 2). Although women were traditionally restricted from positions of high leadership usually reserved for clergymen in national civil rights organizations, women served a crucial role coordinating local and midrange activities. These necessary links helped the movement maintain a more cohesive front and avoid local fragmentation. The impact of citizenship schools and voter registration drives all over the south could never have been achieved without the tireless efforts of women activism. These lower profile roles have effectively kept women’s role within the civil rights movement under the public’s level of consciousness as opposed to national leaders such as Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, Fred Shuttlesworth, and others.

The Road to Brown

Matt Altstiel

Afro 3866
9/19/05

Finally, Some Recognition

The film “The Road to Brown” shed light on one of the lesser known, but vastly important civil rights leaders who led the crusade against Jim Crow. After experiencing discrimination in all sectors of life and seeing increasing violence directed at African Americans in the post-World War One years, Houston took up the cause of improving the lives of African Americans. Taking on the inequality of segregation one case at a time, the tireless efforts of Houston led to the landmark case of Brown Vs. the Topeka Board of Education. The unanimous decision rendered by the Supreme Court banned segregation at levels of education in the entire nation.

For a man who was so influential and helped set the civil rights struggle in motion, I was amazed I had never heard of the man. Most students in the class either had never heard the name or did not known the contributions made by Houston to end legalized segregation. A contemporary of A. Phillip Randolph as well as Marcus Garvey, I was surprised Houston had never been mentioned in textbooks throughout middle school, high school and college thus far. Thurgood Marshall received the majority of the credit for the Brown V. Board decision, however it was his mentor Houston who laid the foundation and the precedent needed to allow for the successful outcome of the case. If Houston had lived to participate in the lawsuit perhaps he would have received the historical importance his name deserves. One thing is certain however; when teaching the roots and causes of the civil rights struggle, one should not solely begin with the Birmingham Bus Boycott and end with the death of Dr. King. Tireless leaders like Houston, who literally died for the cause of his people, should be celebrated and revered like the forefathers of the country, who likewise broke free from tradition to challenge an oppressive system.

Long Essay for Black History

Matt Altstiel
11/1/05
AFRO 3866
Part II: Essay I

The American civil rights struggle following the land Brown V. Board of Education case barring school segregation gained strength and intensified as local and regional movements coalesced into a national movement. However, even as National and regional organizations such as the NAACP, SCLC and SNCC brought civil rights issues to national prominence, local grassroots initiatives fed national organizations and truly propelled the civil rights struggle to previously uncharted territory. Several key battleground cities, counties and states emerged in the years following the Brown decision which tested the resolve of African American populations and ultimately resulted in the reformulation or local, state and federal policy. The local response of both African Americans and Southern whites in these regions played a large role in determining the success of local movements. In the formative years between 1954-1965, many local struggles produced cohesive communities replete with powerful leaders, organizations and structures which aided and emboldened the crusade for civil rights.

Montgomery, Alabama provided the first successful widespread response to discriminatory and segregationist practices in the Deep South. The organizations created to carry out a successful economic boycott of a segregated transportation system later assumed national prominence and were hugely influential in the civil rights movement. Leaders such as E.D. Nixon, Jo Ann Robinson and especially Martin Luther King rose to national prominence. Local people aided the boycott of the city’s bus systems by providing rides, hailing all black taxi companies and avoiding the bus system altogether. The effective strike crippled the local transportation system and forced federal court to become involved. Many cities throughout the south replicated the tactics of Montgomery in order to overturn segregation in city transportation. Rosa Parks reflects, “African Americans in other cities, started their own boycotts of the segregated buses, the direct-action civil rights movement had begun,” (Parks 74). While federal legal action was required to end the boycott and the segregation of city buses, local non-violent grassroots action became a powerful tool in changing the entrenched social, political and economic order maintained by segregationists.

Another pivotal battleground city, the struggle in Little Rock, Arkansas helped enforce the decision of Brown and Brown II. Federal supremacy vs. state supremacy of law also gained prominence in regards to the civil rights movement increasingly after Little Rock. State constitutions in the South widely interpreted the timetable for beginning integration referred to in Brown. Under Arkansas state law, high school desegregation was slated to begin in 1957, but implementation provoked large scale mob violence by white Little Rock residents. Seeking re-election Governor Faubus appealed to segregationists by dispatching state National Guard troops to prevent the entrance of nine African-American students in Central High School. Such a mandate came in direct conflict with a national desegregation law, as well allowed for mob violence. President Eisenhower eventually intervened by nationalizing all state troops and forcing entry of African American schools. Such a challenge posed by local and state government established a pattern of federal intervention when national supremacy of law came into questions and when excessive violence and rioting occurred. As in other battleground cities, the African American population rallied around its “test subjects” the “Little Rock Nine” and formed meaningful community leadership to counter oppressive white rule.

Another “moderate” city, Nashville, Tennessee showed the resolve of the African American community and introduced another new non-violent means of resistance: the sit-in. For the first time, African Americans began being arrested on a mass scale and were charged with disorderly conduct and shipped off to jail. SNCC leader John Lewis refused to pay bail and served his sentence providing an example that would be followed throughout the Civil Rights movement: jail time for civil disobedience was a badge of honor, not a mark of shame. A boycott of downtown businesses proved nearly completely effective. Local student leaders and the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, and sit-in participants forced government officials and white people to re-examine its policy of segregation. Finally, after a personal appeal to the mayor on the part of student leaders, the mayor overturned segregation stating that as a man, he felt it was wrong to deny rights solely on the basis of skin color. Nashville proved a major victory for SNCC and other organizations, which were able to take the success of Nashville sit-ins and boycotts and replicate it over 60 communities across the South.

After combating segregation with non-violent protests, boycotts and sit-ins, civil rights leaders realized that the most effective means to changing policy was through the enfranchisement of African Americans. Voter registration became a stated goal for the mobilization of local populations to challenge the status quo. SNCC leaders Charles Sherrod and Cordell Reagan focused attention on the predominantly African American, South Georgia town of Albany and its surrounding county. Realizing the need for national recognition to change firmly entrenched policy, Martin Luther King was brought in to garner media attention. Key to civil rights tactics again was non-violent resistance and massing at the county courthouse to register to vote. It was hoped white reprisal and violence would once again focus national media attention on the region and the inhumanities of segregation and its disregard for federal law. However, a calculated move on the part of local sheriff Laurie Pritchett to respond at all time with non-violence effectively stalled the movement and local organizations in Albany. However, despite the perception of failure, “there was more self confidence, more self esteem, less fear of the white man’s jail, and a more widespread commitment to eventual equality than had existed a year earlier,” (Garrow 218). Such a new challenge posed by white officials allowed the African American community to regroup with new methods that proved to be effective and accelerated policy change, at local, state and federal levels.

Birmingham, Alabama provided the setting for some of the most dramatic conflict during the early civil rights era. Freedom Riders during the early 1960’s sponsored by SNCC loaded buses to test the compliance with national transportation laws mandating desegregation of interstate travel. Freedom Riders arriving at the Birmingham Bus Terminal on Mother’s Day were greeted by a mob that brutally beat the riders. Worse still was a string of unsolved bombings that’s earned the city the nickname “Bombingham”. However, in 1963 white supremacy was challenged by local leaders who proceeded to draw in national leadership and attention to Birmingham. One of the main planners, Reverend Shuttlesworth advocated a plan code named Project C (C for Confrontation.” Martin Luther King and his organization, the SCLC helped mass public support for the project which sought greater political, social and economic freedom for African American citizens. Learning from the lessons of Albany, King defied court injunctions and remained in jail where he emboldened the cause. Civil rights organizations consciously used, “mass media to try to get across what the message was, that Southern segregation was far more vicious than most White Americans had realized,” (Garrow 264). Police brutality in response to non-violent protest marches made national and world news leading to an investigation and action by the United States Justice Department. A resolution was reached between African American and white leaders that resulted in: desegregation of public facilities, improved job availability, release of political prisoners and greater communication between the leaders of both races. The local action and resistance encountered in a Birmingham was very influential in Kennedy’s decision to make civil rights a priority in his administration as well as galvanize congress for passage of a sweeping civil rights bill.

A final major battleground area in the early civil rights movement included the entire state of Mississippi. Known as the “closed society” and extreme repression towards its African American citizens, Mississippi required perhaps the most intensive concentration of grassroots, national and federal development and intervention than any other areas of the Deep South. Robert Moses, a member of SNCC began organizing voter registration drivers in the Southwest portion of the state where segregation was at its most severe. Through local branches of the NAACP, CORE, SNCC and the SCLC, leaders were picked and an umbrella organization called the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) emerged. Voter registration schools sprang up that taught basic citizenship skills and life skills to under-educated poor rural African Americans. In 1964, after growing increasingly desperate at the unchanging racial regime, Robert Moses and local leaders sent out a cry for help to the world outside “the closed society” calling for help from college students in the North. White resistance and the reluctance of the Democratic Party to seat nominees from the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, the Federal government decided that voting rights should be clarify and extended to all to all persons of eligible voting age. Once again, local grassroots initiatives stirred up public desire for change and “helped to generate support for the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965,” (Crawford 134). This desire when faced with resistance from white Southerners garnered attention from the national media and recognition from the federal government. In Mississippi, the percentage of registered Black voters “rose 6.7 percent to an estimated 59.8 percent within two years,” (Crawford 134).

Clearly, the early portion of the modern civil rights movement sought to eliminate the most obvious and pressing injustices faced on a daily basis by Southern African Americans. While the South as a whole benefited from the advancements and legal recognition secured by changes in local, state and federal law, several key battleground cities, counties and states with ties to local grassroots and national leadership tested and overcame repressive policies of segregation and disenfranchisement. The experience of collective struggle, the emergence of leaders and eventual triumph spurred on the civil rights struggle as it grew from smaller local movements into a national struggle for equality and justice. Such shared memories and leadership apparatuses helped sustain the civil rights movement and the subsequent black power movement for years afterward.

EL CULPABLE

Matt Altstiel

5/1/07

SPAN 3950

EL CULPABLE

1. En <> del libro Manos del DIA, la actividad manual ha logrado una importancia casi espiritual. Lo que lamenta Neruda es que su habilidad para crear objetos tales como una escoba se fracaso. No podría hacer mas transformar la tierra y la naturaleza con su obra de la mano. Para el, cada acto debe ser un acto de transformación y mas, cada creación natural o humano tiene alta precio y valor. Neruda se transforma palabras y claro no falto su empleo hasta su muerte; pero en este poema el jamás sea capaz de construir su mundo físicamente.
2. Este sentido es bastante común en las personas viejas, especialmente los que se han desplazado por el mundo. Mi Papu, que nació en Grecia y que era carpintero siempre le afanaba con madera. Cuando no podría hacer su pasatiempo favorito y cuando no traslado jamás, murió deprisa. Entonces, aunque yo no era muy viejo, entiendo este sentamiento, hay que poseer una razón para vivir.
3. En nuestras vidas, siempre hay bastante tiempo para hacer lo que queremos, pero solamente es una cuestión de ganas. Si cobramos nuestro tiempo, o si lo perdimos, elegimos. Cada vez que no hacíamos algo, siempre pensábamos en lo que pudiera ser. A veces yo me sentía culpable por no cumplir mis deberes. A veces estaba inquietado por las ventanas que no abrí, los obstáculos que no alcance y la amistad perdida por amigos dejados por el tiempo. Neruda implica que la gente en general era capaz de crear tanto, pero muchas veces no efectuaban por una falta de aliciente.

DULCE PATRIA

Matt Altstiel

5/1/07

SPAN 3950

DULCE PATRIA Y REGRESO

1. En <> es obvio que Neruda todavía amaba su patria. La cosa que me llama atención es su evolución poética para provenir detalles tales como los terremontes y volcanes. Pero en vez de descargar esas elementos, el se pinta en color estética y puede ser contemplado poéticamente. Su imagen representa la despierta del mundo visual y podemos decir con claridad que en este poema sentimos emociones viscerales. Este amor por la patria no confundimos con el nacionalismo. Aunque el amo su herencia Chilena, también se dada cuenta de sus problemas numerosas nacionales. El fue demasiado inteligente y viajero para creer las mentiras nacionalistas.
2. <> es una canción de alegría y la permanencia de un lugar y una herencia. Aunque no dice en exacto, creo que Neruda esta refiriéndose a su casita de la Isla Negra. El puede ver las mismas imágenes, las espumas, las olas y los árboles, que siempre veía antes. En esta zona austral se comía igual que en su juventud, antes de su despedida prolongada. En cada sabor de este pescado, sentía la cultura y herencia de su dulce país natal porque cada receta fue pasada por las generaciones. El menciona la fragancia de los tomates en el mes de enero. Cada estación y temporada natural tiene su propia versión de naturaleza y lo conocimos mayor en nuestra patria que en todos los otros lugares. El vino que bebía se nace por el suelo y sin duda, cada especie y región de producción marca un sabor único que no se puede replicar.
3. Para cada ser humano, su patria o sea, su aldea crea un sentimiento en el corazón. Puedo decir sin pensar que alegría yo sentía al regresar a Milwaukee después de casi diez meses a lo lejos. El aire fresco junto la orilla del lago Michigan me abrazo como un amigo viejo. El olor de la cocina, los mismos platillos que he comido toda mi vida probé con la misma riqueza de siempre. Por cada lugar bien conocido en nuestra mente hay un sentimiento de eternidad. Lo digo este porque la memoria recordada, acordaba más que todo, los elementos más fundamentales de un lugar que percibimos. En esa manera sabemos la eternidad de un sitio aunque siempre había cambio. Un regreso, tal vez, es algo verdadero en el espacio de la mente, sino el lugar físico.